There has always been a conspiracy theory surrounding presidential assassinations in the United States, especially those that have succeeded. John Wilkes Booth, the man who assassinated Abraham Lincoln in 1865, was part of a small group of conspirators; but there have also been those who have claimed that there was a wider network that originated in the Southern Confederacy. It has always been this way and always will be: for some people, normal, factual explanations for dramatic events are never enough.
History will probably recall the poignant irony that the third (or fourth, or maybe fifth) assassination attempt on Donald Trump occurred at the end of a month, when the conspiracy theory that the most serious attempt to kill him was a staged attempt organized by the president himself and his allies returned. It is about what happened in July 2024, when Thomas Crooks shot Trump in Butler, Pennsylvania. Those familiar with conspiracy circles know the details: Trump’s ear, hit by a bullet according to the official version, which seems to have mysteriously “regenerated”; or the crane that appeared “as if by magic” to raise a large flag, just in time for the famous photo with the inscription “fight!”.
These theories circulate not only on the left, but also among right-wing figures who have distanced themselves from Trump, such as journalist Tucker Carlson and Joe Kent (who recently resigned as director of the National Counterterrorism Center, opposing Trump’s decision to attack Iran).
Conspiracy theories about the Butler incident emerged just hours after the assassination, but have only gained traction in some right-wing circles in recent weeks. So, in a political climate filled with suspicion, it’s no surprise that skepticism is also circulating about what happened on April 25 during the White House Correspondents’ Dinner at a Washington hotel, where a gunman tried to enter the room full of politicians, including Trump. The suspicions have been voiced mainly by the left, but many right-wing figures also seem less convinced.
THE FIXATION (EVEN OF DONALD TRUMP) WITH CLINTON
All of these theories seem ridiculous. In the United States, there has always been a conspiracy theory surrounding presidential assassinations, especially those that have succeeded. John Wilkes Booth, the man who assassinated Abraham Lincoln in 1865, was part of a small group of conspirators; but there have also been those who have claimed that there was a wider network originating in the Southern Confederacy. It has always been this way and always will be: for some people, normal, factual explanations for dramatic events are never enough.
But things seem worse today. Is that really the case? Maybe so. If we talk about the number of conspiracy theories, it is difficult to surpass the assassination of John F. Kennedy. The difference is that, compared to today, those theories did not have such a strong ideological charge. No one used them for political gain. The goal was to give meaning to the mystery. Today they serve almost only one purpose: whether in clashes between ideological opponents or in internal battles between factions, the goal is always to promote a certain cause. Both sides have participated in this game. After the attacks of September 11, 2001, in some circles of the left there was talk of an “inside job,” of a Mossad operation, or of the knowledge of President George W. Bush. In 2004, some believed that the presidential election had been rigged (it is worth remembering that among the main supporters of this theory was Robert F. Kennedy Jr., whose ideas are now harming public health).
But if we were to look for a culprit for American culture’s slide into this conspiracy swamp, we would have to look elsewhere. Starting with self-proclaimed Christian figures like Jerry Falwell, who in 1994 contributed to the documentary The Clinton Chronicles, based on conspiracy theories about Bill Clinton, including the claim that the former president had ordered the assassination of people who wanted to expose a secret drug trafficking operation.
The Clinton conspiracy became an industry, fueled largely by a group of reactionary and dishonest bigots from Arkansas, angry that Clinton had (rightly) not selected them for positions they didn’t deserve. Then came Barack Obama. The most famous theory claimed that his birth certificate was fake, but there were even more absurd ones: like the one about a homosexual relationship accompanied by cocaine use, or the claim that he wanted to destroy the United States from within, theories spread by propagandist Dinesh D’Souza. There was another person who stood out in spreading these theories about Obama. What was his name? Ah, yes: Donald Trump.
He said he would release evidence that Obama was born in Kenya. Surprisingly, he never did. But he did find time to accuse Obama of wiretapping him during his first campaign, “the greatest political crime in American history.” And the list goes on and on. Of course, there are other theories surrounding Trump that have nothing to do with Obama: the “deep state,” the “rigged election,” fantasies about Joe Biden’s son, and so on.
LITTLE SOLIDARITY
There is another important difference. It is true that conspiracy theories exist on the left, but in general the progressive and mainstream media do not give them much space unless there is evidence, and Democratic politicians do not usually repeat them. On the right, many media outlets constantly promote various fantasies, and Republican politicians repeat them without worrying about verification. Just ask the Haitians of Springfield, Ohio, accused by Trump and the right of eating pets.
Of course, most Americans appreciate the fact that the president was not assassinated. Regardless of what you think of him, his death would be a trauma for the entire country. At the same time, Trump cannot expect a wave of solidarity from a public opinion that does not approve of his way of governing (55 percent of respondents in a Fox News poll consider him mentally unfit for office). Trump is continuing a war that no one likes, continues to build large detention centers and shows incompetence in managing the economy and curbing the rise in gas prices.
The actions of Cole Thomas Allen, the man who tried to enter the Washington Hilton Hotel with a gun on April 25, have changed none of that. (The New Republic)