Amid growing fears that the US and Israel are preparing to launch new attacks against Iran after the US midterm elections on November 3, three major Middle Eastern powers delivered a coordinated diplomatic message directly to Tehran.
Pakistan’s army chief, Asim Munir, Saudi Defense Minister Khalid bin Salman, and Turkish intelligence chief Ibrahim Kalin traveled to Iran on Monday (26.10.2026) to meet Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian and senior officials in Tehran. The three envoys represent the Mecca Defense Pact, a military alliance between Islamabad, Riyadh and Ankara, formally established this summer.
Saudi Arabia stated that the purpose of the visit was to open channels of negotiation and “prevent a return to military escalation.” However, details about the agenda remain scarce.
A senior Pakistani official, quoted by the Reuters news agency, said the talks focused on creating a Regional non-aggression network, alongside US-Iran talks, Houthi rebel attacks on Saudi Arabia, the situation in the Strait of Hormuz and the US naval blockade.
Another official said Munir presented Iran with a solution to the conflict that would offer something to both Washington and Tehran, with the three Mecca pact states and Qatar acting as mediators. The source told Reuters that US President Donald Trump had previously given Munir the go-ahead to try the diplomatic route.
Tehran presents the meeting as a success
Iran hailed the “very positive atmosphere” during the talks in Tehran, although no decisive progress was officially announced.
“We had very good discussions,” Mohsen Rezaei, head of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, told state television. “I have the impression that a new atmosphere is being created in the Region.”
Rezaei argued that Regional security should be built by West Asian countries themselves and without outside interference.
A day later, Rezaei reportedly met with the Supreme Leader. Iranian state media reported that Khamenei called for protecting Iran’s interests and upholding Tehran’s conditions to end both the war and the current “neither war nor peace” situation.
Meanwhile, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian traveled to Moscow for the Gas Exporting Countries Forum, where he met with Russian President Vladimir Putin and the Emir of Qatar, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani. Pezeshkian and the Emir also discussed the war and the Strait of Hormuz.
These and other diplomatic contacts were presented by Tehran as evidence that the US is failing to diplomatically isolate the Iranian regime.
Are Turkey and Pakistan lining up alongside Saudi Arabia?
The united front the three countries presented in Tehran could also be seen as a show of force for the new alliance to defend Mecca. It comes at a time when the Saudis are increasingly concerned about attacks on Saudi infrastructure by Iran-allied Houthi militants.
Under the terms of the Mecca agreement, an external attack against one of the member states will be considered an attack against all. The visit also took place on the same day that Egypt’s parliament agreed to provide military aid to Riyadh and take “all necessary measures” to help Saudi Arabia defend itself, amid the looming threat from the US and Israel.
“The simultaneous presence of three senior representatives conveyed the message that these countries are acting as a bloc,” Babak Dorbeiki, a London-based political analyst and former official at Iran’s Center for Strategic Studies, told DW.
Saudi Arabia has long been considered Iran’s main rival in the Region. It has used its immense wealth to counter Iranian influence and can now, at least theoretically, also rely on Pakistan’s nuclear capability and Turkey’s conventional military might.
At the same time, Dorbeiki argues that the Mecca pact was conceived primarily for deterrence, not for an offensive war. The existence of a defensive pact does not mean that its members want to fight against Iran.
According to Dorbeiki, this bloc’s message could work in two directions: it could offer mediation, but continued escalation could change this stance.
Riyadh aims for a “diplomatic solution”
Saudi Arabia faces the most direct dilemma. Further Houthi attacks have damaged its infrastructure and economy, but a wider war with Iran could jeopardize the investment and development projects that are at the heart of Riyadh’s economic strategy.
“For Saudi Arabia, both the current situation and a war with Iran carry serious costs,” Dorbeiki said. “Therefore, its preferred path is a diplomatic solution.”
Moreover, Pakistan has been mediating between Washington and Tehran for months and has important relations with both sides. A direct conflict would also distract Islamabad from its long-standing security concerns related to India.
Turkey is a NATO member, but Dorbeiki said direct military support for Iran against the United States is highly unlikely. The fact that Ankara sent its intelligence chief, Ibrahim Kalin, and not its foreign or defense minister also suggests a cautious approach.
Iran pursues diplomacy while preparing for war
Ali Asghar Shafieian, media advisor to Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, also rejected the interpretation that representatives of the Mecca pact were trying to present Tehran with an ultimatum.
He told DW that the three countries may also have wanted to demonstrate their growing coordination, while also showing that Iran remains part of Regional diplomacy.
“From this meeting alone, one cannot conclude that it was an ultimatum before an attack,” Shafieian said.
He also stressed that Iran, like the US and Israel, could prepare for the possibility of further conflict while continuing negotiations. “Just as they seize the opportunity to strengthen their military and defense capabilities, so does Iran,” he said, adding that a deal remains possible if Iran’s political position and what Tehran describes as its national dignity are respected.
The diplomatic game continues
Dorbeiki argues that Iran is following a familiar strategy: prolonging negotiations while avoiding concrete commitments.
The Houthi rebels are a key element in Tehran’s calculations.
Tehran has not publicly offered the guarantees about Houthi attacks that Riyadh would like. Dorbeiki believes Iran could try to use its influence over such attacks as a bargaining chip in exchange for concessions, such as an end to US military pressure and broader steps toward ending the war.
The only visible outcome of the Tehran meeting is the continuation of dialogue. For Iran, this may be a sufficient signal that it continues to be considered a diplomatic partner and not an enemy.